Some things to Reconsider

  Punjab. Yes, Punjab. The land that once champion of Green Revolution, that filled Delhi’s plates, that supplied grain for war and peace alike. Today? Reduced to standing in Delhi’s darbar with a begging bowl. And the darbar—majestic, distracted, full of hubris—barely glances. Punjab, it seems, is now the unwanted child of the Republic. A state tolerated, not embraced. Consider the floods. Villages drowned, crops ruined, forty-six lives lost, more than 1.5 lakh people affected. Punjab was gasping, but the Prime Minister? He was campaigning elsewhere, cameras clicking, slogans soaring. His Punjab visit came later, reluctantly, perfunctorily, as if someone in the “royal secretariat” pencilled it into the diary. Contrast this with Indira Gandhi. Whatever her motives, when bombs fell or borders bled, she rushed to Punjab. Yes, it was theatre, yes, it was for cameras—but Punjabis felt seen. Today, the subliminal message is crystal: Punjab’s pain is optional. The Guardian —a Londo...

  So, Javed Akhtar is a “selective atheist”? Really? That’s like accusing someone of being a “part-time vegetarian” because they eat paneer on weekdays and butter chicken at weddings. It’s a joke—except in our poor excuse for a public debate, people are deadly serious when they say such things. Let us begin with first principles. As Benedict Anderson reminded us, nations are “imagined communities.” They are held together not by dogma or theology but by stories, symbols, songs, and rituals. In India, this imagination was never purely Hindu, never purely Muslim, never purely secular either. It has always been a messy, colourful patchwork woven from Tagore’s verse, Gandhi’s politics, Ambedkar’s law, and yes, Bollywood’s lyrics. Now, in this fabric, why must you prove your secularism by mocking every religion equally? Who came up with that idiotic standard? Religion in India is lived in fragments, in uneven doses. Salman Rushdie once joked that being Muslim in Bombay simply meant n...

 https://www.business-standard.com/opinion/columns/fiis-vs-diis-reversing-roles-in-india-s-equity-market-after-25-years-125081402018_1.html https://www.business-standard.com/economy/news/net-fdi-falls-to-40-million-in-may-2025-on-higher-outflows-125072301466_1.html Let’s stitch together three reports and an opinion piece from Business Standard all recent—and read the tea leaves. In 1992, foreign institutional investors (FIIs) dipped their toes into Indian equity with a modest investment of ₹13 crore. Domestic players (DIIs) then sat fat with ₹45,000 crore. Fast forward to 2014: the equations flipped. FIIs had ballooned to ₹6.6 trillion, while DIIs were crawling at ₹42,000 crore. In 2025, they’ve switched again: FIIs at ₹10 trillion, DIIs overtaking them at ₹14 trillion. Janak Raj of the Centre for Social and Economic Progress hails this as resilience. But let’s not dress up this as a symbol of “Atmanirbhar Bharat”. Capital has no hews of colour. Now to the horror story: net FD...

  https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/fix-the-flaws-on-rahul-gandhis-stolen-elections-allegation-and-the-election-commission-of-india/article69910219.ece The Hindu’s August 9th editorial nods politely to Rahul Gandhi’s “voter list fraud” allegations, but it tiptoes around the real culprit — the rotting foundation of India’s democratic architecture. This isn’t just about flawed lists; it’s about a ruling party that has weaponised appointments, bent laws, and turned neutral constitutional offices into extensions of its own party office. Let’s start with the Election Commissioners. In a fair system, the man should command the confidence of the whole political spectrum. But this government decided such lofty ideals were for sissies. When the Supreme Court suggested a balanced selection committee, the BJP tossed the idea into the dustbin and wrote a new law to keep total control. Result? A Commission that looks like an old boys’ club of retired babus from the Amit Shah finishin...

https://www.business-standard.com/opinion/columns/bhagwat-sets-off-jitters-at-75-bjp-shift-towards-empowering-youth-125071101485_1.html     I write in response to your article published on July 12th titled “Bhagwat Sets Off Jitters at 75” , which — in the grand tradition of a now increasingly pliant Indian press — offers a garland of praise to the BJP for its so-called “robust and meritocratic HR system.” A bolder claim hasn't been made since North Korea declared its leader invented the hamburger. The author’s argument rests on three wobbly legs — “retention,” “ideological glue,” and “absence of dynastic politics.” It is, essentially, an attempt to evaluate the BJP using the yardstick of the Congress’ failings, rather than the BJP’s own performance. That may pass for analysis on television panels, but not in serious discourse. Let’s apply a real organisational development (OD) lens to the party — one that includes Recruitment, Retention, Promotion, Diversity, Evaluat...