When Justice Took a Holiday & TV Studios became War Rooms
Indian Subcontinent has a remarkable feature, our memories are
short and consequences are lasting. When one casts a weary, knowing eye back at
India’s relentless tryst with terrorism over the past three decades, the
narrative that emerges is as much about the thunderous clamor of firepower as
it is about the quiet, often overlooked, virtue of foresight. A cursory
internet search – a tool of convenience for those who prefer quick answers to
deep dives – might point to a multitude of major terrorist incidents. But let's
unpick the numbers, and read the postscript.
Between 2014 and 2025, the years Narendra Modi presided as
Prime Minister, India indeed faced a series of devastating attacks. We saw the
audacious assault on Pathankot (2016), the chilling Uri attack (2016),
and the gut-wrenching Pulwama suicide bombing (2019), all largely
attributed to Jaish-e-Mohammed. Then came the worrying resurgence in Jammu
& Kashmir, with incidents like Poonch-Rajouri (multiple incidents from
2021 onwards), the tragic Reasi bus attack (June 2024), and the Pahalgam
tourist bus attack (June 2024), which authorities primarily attribute to
The Resistance Front. That makes six major incidents.
Now, let's turn the page back to the decade between 2004 and
2014, a.k.a. the Dr. Manmohan Singh era. India, too, suffered its share of
horrors. We recall the calculated brutality of Lashkar-e-Taiba in three
significant instances, most notoriously the 26/11 Mumbai siege. Three other
attacks, including the 2008 Jaipur and Ahmedabad bombings, were attributed to
the homegrown Indian Mujahideen. And then there was the Samjhauta
Express bombing (2007), a chilling act of terror linked to right-wing
elements, with Swami Aseemanand's name emerging. While Lashkar was, and
remains, an outfit firmly entrenched in Pakistan, having wrought havoc in the
Kashmir Valley during the turbulent 1990s, the emergence of a domestic terror
threat like IM added a new, complex layer.
Dr. Singh's tenure, make no mistake, wasn't some idyllic,
terror-free dream. The 2006 Mumbai train blasts, the 2008 Jaipur and Ahmedabad
bombings, and of course, the protracted horror of 26/11 Mumbai – these were
profound shocks to the nation's psyche. But to his government's enduring
credit, in most instances, the perpetrators were identified, many were
neutralised, and critically, a significant number were convicted through
the due process of law.
Perhaps the largest, most significant feather in Singh's
decidedly un-flashy turban (pun intended) was the systematic crushing of
the Indian Mujahideen. This was a homegrown terror outfit that had succeeded in
spreading a palpable, chilling fear across urban India. Through painstaking,
coordinated intelligence efforts and, crucially, through quiet but effective
cooperation with friendly nations like the U.S., Israel, and even the UAE, key
operatives like Yasin Bhatkal were not just identified, but meticulously
tracked and arrested. Bhatkal, it must be remembered, was brought to justice in
2013, and later convicted. Singh, it seems, instinctively knew when to speak
and, more importantly, when to deploy the quiet but devastating hammer blow.
The menace posed by the Indian Mujahideen (popularly known as IM) was such that
serious journalists and researchers dedicated entire books to this now largely
defunct outfit. This, one might argue, was Singh's core strategy: kaam bolta
hai, not cameras. The work spoke for itself.
Modi's ascendancy in 2014 ushered in a decidedly different
grammar of nationalism. The "surgical strikes" post-Uri, the dramatic
Balakot airstrike, and a continuous torrent of high-octane, unyielding speeches
fundamentally redefined how India, and indeed the world, heard India talk about
terror. But peel back the layers of headlines and hashtags, and one often
uncovers a disconcerting trail of unresolved cases. From Pulwama, to the
Amarnath Yatra attacks of 2017, and even the more recent 2024 Reasi massacre,
there is one common thread that pulls at the fabric of justice: the frustrating
absence of final, judicial closure.
Take the Pulwama attack of 2019. The entire nation watched
with clenched fists and tearful eyes as 40 brave CRPF personnel were brutally
killed. TV studios, as is their wont, morphed into frenzied war rooms. Yet, to
this very day, the alleged masterminds of that unspeakable act largely roam
free. No Indian court has pronounced a capital sentence on those at the top.
The nation, in its understandable fury, moved on to the next headline, but
justice, in its fullest, most conclusive form, remains elusive.
This, then, is the unfortunate reality: Justice as
Performance, Not Practice. Modi’s governance has, undeniably, mastered the
delicate, often brutal, art of information warfare. From the ubiquitous
WhatsApp forwards that shape public opinion to the cacophonous primetime
debates that dictate national narratives, narratives are meticulously curated,
not simply reported. High-profile terror incidents become meticulously
orchestrated moments of nationalistic frenzy, designed to galvanize support.
But the underlying investigative and judicial wheels, the very machinery of
justice, seem to grind on, often dragging, rarely concluding with the decisive
bang of a verdict. Compare this to the UPA era: quiet, understated, and,
crucially, legally conclusive.
And this pattern, this tendency towards rhetorical fireworks
over judicial finality, extends even to domestic "sensitive" issues.
Consider the Tirupati Beef Crisis of September 2024. Allegations
erupted, like a firestorm, that animal fat had somehow found its way into the
sacred Tirupati laddus. This was no trifling matter; it deeply enraged devout
Hindus and swiftly transformed into a week-long, high-decibel media circus.
Yet, despite the immense emotional and religious magnitude of the accusations,
what have we seen? No definitive convictions, no indisputable forensic clarity
presented to the public, and a distinct lack of administrative accountability
that truly satisfies.
This wasn’t some arcane transnational terror plot requiring
intricate intelligence sharing or complex military manoeuvring. This was a
straightforward, domestic law and order issue. It demanded simple, transparent
governance, a clear investigation, and swift, conclusive action. But even that,
it seems, becomes a casualty in this age of unrelenting rhetoric, where the
loudest voice often eclipses the quiet pursuit of justice.
The Final Word
To truly compare Dr. Manmohan Singh and Narendra Modi in
terms of counterterrorism is to juxtapose a finely tuned violin with a booming
war drum. One resonates deeply, its melodies revealing complex truths; the
other, while undeniably powerful, often simply drowns out all nuanced thought.
The UPA's legacy, it is true, may not be "Instagrammable" in this age
of digital spectacle. But it is, undeniably, inscribed in the cold, hard facts
of charge sheets and the ultimate finality of convictions.
In stark contrast, the NDA's record, while thriving on
emotional recall and nationalistic fervor, regrettably fades in the rigorous
registers of the legal system. For every Pulwama that generates immense, yet
unresolved, national grief, there is a Yasin Bhatkal whose name was
brought to justice, a benchmark that has yet to be matched by an equally
decisive outcome for the most egregious attacks under the current government.
The difference, perhaps, is not just in style, but in substance – a substance
that demands accountability, not just applause.
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